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Democratic Republic of the Congo: Province Orientale : 4 personnes meurent de tuberculose à Bunia faute de médicaments

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Source: Radio Okapi
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Quatre personnes sont décédées de la tuberculose à l’Hôpital général de référence de Bunia, chef-lieu du district de l’Ituri, suite à la rupture de médicaments contre cette maladie. Le médecin chef de zone de santé de Bunia, Pascal Mbukana, a avancé ces chiffres, mardi 2 avril, précisant que ces médicaments trainent à Goma, au Nord- Kivu, faute de moyens de transport.

Il craint que le nombre de décès des patients tuberculeux puisse s’alourdir si la rupture de stock de ces médicaments perdure.

Docteur Pascal Mbukana rapporte que plusieurs autres malades déjà dépistés sont en attente de médicaments contre la tuberculose à l’Hôpital général de référence de Bunia.

Pour le chef de zone de santé de Bunia, la rupture de ces médicaments qui dure depuis trois semaines constitue un danger pour les patients et risque de créer la résistance de microbes.

Il demande au gouvernement de la Province Orientale de faire acheminer ces médicaments à Bunia.

La ministre provinciale de la Santé de la Province Orientale, Jeanne Alasha, a déclaré que son gouvernement est d’accord pour faire venir ses médicaments. Mais elle déplore le fait que l’information leur soit parvenue en retard.

Les médicaments de Bunia qui traînent à Goma ont été achetés le Fonds mondial.

En mission à Kisangani (Province Orientale) en février dernier, une délégation du Fonds mondial avait pourtant appelé les partenaires du secteur de la santé à travailler ensemble pour éviter les ruptures de stocks des médicaments de lutte contre le VIH/Sida, la tuberculose et le paludisme comme fut le cas en 2012.

Le Fonds mondial avait déploré le manque de communication entre les partenaires. Ce qui pose d’énormes difficultés dans la gestion de ses différents projets contre ces maladies en Province


Democratic Republic of the Congo: Briefing: M23, one year on

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Source: IRIN
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

NAIROBI, 3 April 2013 (IRIN) - The M23 rebellion, the latest of a string of armed insurgencies in the Democratic Republic of Congo's (DRC) North Kivu Province, has been active for one year now, during which hundreds of thousands have fled their homes and many have lost their lives.

The Mouvement du 23-Mars, or March 23 Movement [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/95715/DRC-Understanding-armed-group-M23 ], came into existence in April 2012, when hundreds of mainly ethnic Tutsi soldiers of FARDC, the national army, mutinied over poor living conditions and poor pay. Most of the mutineers had been members of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/76275/DRC-Nkunda-s-rebel-group-spells-out... ], another armed group that in 2009 signed a deal with the government, which the dissidents felt Kinshasa had not fully implemented. M23 is named after the date the agreement was signed.

In November 2012, M23 captured Goma, the provincial capital, but withdrew and subsequently entered into peace talks with the government. Neighbouring Rwanda and Uganda were accused of backing M23 by a UN Security Council Group of Experts report [ http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/10/17/us-congo-democratic-rwanda-uga... ], charges both countries strongly deny.

In this briefing, IRIN outlines the group's impact on the province over the past year, its current position and avenues for peace in eastern DRC.

What is the humanitarian situation in North Kivu?

Although clashes between M23 and FARDC have subsided, "North Kivu remains highly insecure due to the proliferation of weapons, sporadic fighting between armed groups and the army, and inter-community tensions," according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs [ http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/OCHA%20PRESS%20... ] (OCHA).

OCHA notes that since the beginning of the M23 rebellion, more than half a million people have been driven from their homes in North Kivu. The figure accounts for more than half of the 914,000 displaced people in the province. Tens of thousands more fled to refugee camps [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97742/Congolese-refugee-camps-in-Rwanda-full ] in Rwanda and Uganda.

According to Amnesty International [ http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/drc-bosco-ntaganda-must-be-surrendered-ic... ], M23 has been responsible for human rights abuses "including violations of the duty to care for the civilian population when launching attacks, forced recruitment of children who were either trained to take part in hostilities or forced to work to build military positions, unlawful killings, and acts of sexual violence". The organization also blamed FARDC for widespread abuses against civilians.

Where are M23's leaders?

The movement's leadership now looks significantly different than it did in April 2012.

In February 2013, a rift was reported in M23's leadership, with one of the founders, Bosco Ntaganda, and M23's political leader, Jean-Marie Runiga, on one side and M23's military chief, Sultani Makenga [ http://www.congoforum.be/upldocs/RVI%20Briefing%20-%20Usalama%20-%20Make... ], on the other. The two factions clashed in North Kivu, and Makenga sacked Runiga, who was the group's representative at the peace talks taking place with the DRC government in the Ugandan capital, Kampala. Following more fighting in March, Ntaganda's faction surrendered. Both he and Runiga, along with several senior commanders and close to 700 fighters, fled to Rwanda.

On 18 March, Ntaganda surrendered himself to the US Embassy in the Rwandan capital, Kigali, and asked to be transferred to the International Criminal Court for trial over alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. He made his first appearance in court on 26 March. According to a paper [ http://riftvalley.net/resources/file/RVI%20Usalama%20Project%20-%20Brief... ] by the Rift Valley Institute, Ntaganda had fallen out with fellow commanders early in the rebellion and had been effectively relegated to the sidelines.

Experts have lauded Ntaganda's arrest as a positive step in the fight against impunity in DRC, but warn that it does not mean an end to violence in the region.

Runiga has been placed under house arrest [ http://bigstory.ap.org/article/congo-m23-faction-leader-arrested-rwanda ] in Rwanda; the Rwandan government has disarmed [ http://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/dr-congo-rebels-rw...(ReliefWeb+-+Latest+Updates) ] the M23 troops who surrendered and moved them to a refugee camp more than 50km from the DRC-Rwanda border.

Various reports [ http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/27/democratic-republic-congo-su... ] indicate that Makenga is now consolidating his fighters, thought to number about 1,500, and M23-held territory in North Kivu, but he may also be preparing for further negotiations with President Joseph Kabila's government. According to Congo expert Jason Stearns [ http://congosiasa.blogspot.com/2013/03/m23-split-and-join.html ], "The internal M23 split may have provided the break they [DRC representatives] needed to make the deal acceptable for the rebels."

Any deal is likely to involve the integration of Makenga's fighters into FARDC, with lower cadre fighters automatically integrated and higher ranking officers considered for integration on a case-by-case basis. However, analysts say the re-integration method has not worked in the past and must be rethought.

"M23 integration in FARDC is feasible but is not suitable. The policy of repeated integration of armed groups in FARDC is [contributing] to the fragmentation and militarization of FARDC," Marc-Andre Lagrange, DRC senior analyst for the International Crisis Group, told IRIN via email. "Since that approach has proven, with M23, to be a failure, the DRC government with MONUSCO and UNSC should look for another option."

According to a recent article in the newsletter Africa Confidential: "Experts broadly agree that some kind of agreement between Kinshasa and M23 is in the offing and will be signed soon, but reliable sources in North Kivu diverge on what the outcome will be. Some feel that Makenga will reintegrate his troops into the FARDC, while others suggest that Makenga and [new] M23 political leader Bertrand Bisimwa can stay independent of the army while not being seen as a 'negative force'."

What is the fate of the peace talks?

The Kampala peace talks between M23 and the DRC government began in December 2012 [ http://www.irinnews.org/Report/97075/Analysis-Seeking-civilian-and-milit... ], under the auspices of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR). The talks have made little progress and have been put on hold due to the rebel group's internal problems. Bisimwa has urged Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni to revive the talks [ http://allafrica.com/stories/201304021191.html ].

On 24 February, a UN-brokered peace agreement [ http://www.peaceau.org/uploads/scanned-on-24022013-125543.pdf ] aimed at ending conflict in eastern DRC was signed in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, by 11 African countries - Angola, Burundi, the Central African Republic, DRC, the Republic of Congo, Rwanda, South Africa, South Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia. Dubbed the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the DRC, the deal's goals include the reformation of the DRC's army and an end to regional interference in the country. Among the decisions reached was the formation of a neutral intervention force aimed at fighting "negative forces" in eastern DRC - referring not only to M23 but other armed groups as well.

While the deal was lauded as a breakthrough by African countries, analysts are more sceptical, criticizing the agreement as being long on rhetoric and short on detail and solid action plans. A Foreign Policy Association blog post [ http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2013/02/28/regional-peace-to-settle-violen... ] noted that since the 1990s, a number of similar regional agreements had failed to bring peace to DRC. It pointed out that the some key players were not mentioned or involved - including armed groups like Raia Mutomboki [ http://www.irinnews.org/report/96899/DRC-Civilian-population-in-Masisi-a... ] (Swahili for "angry citizens"), Mai Mai Cheka and the Hutu-dominated FDLR, whose presence in eastern DRC is perceived as a threat by Rwanda.

"The primary aggressors present in the country for the last 10 years, the militia groups that patrol the eastern provinces, were not even included in the discussion," said the author, Daniel Donovan. "By excluding these groups, they hold no commitment to such an agreement, which begs the question: How does this move signify a guarantee for peace?"

What is next for the region?

On 28 March, the UN Security Council authorized [ http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=44523&Cr=democratic&Cr1=congo ] an offensive "intervention brigade" to "address imminent threats to peace and security" as part of the UN Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO).

"The objectives of the new force - which will be based in North Kivu Province in eastern DRC and total 3,069 peacekeepers - are to neutralize armed groups, reduce the threat they posed to State authority and civilian security, and make space for stabilization activities," according to the UN News Centre. It also aims to support the Addis accord.

Following the announcement, the DRC government said it supported the intervention brigade and warned M23 rebels to disband. M23's Bisimwa has rejected [ http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-21993655 ] the UN's decision to send the force, but said [ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_YAzl8128kE ] the group would neither fight nor flee the UN forces.

The International Federation of Human Rights [ http://www.fidh.org/DRC-An-intervention-brigade-within-MONUSCO-would-req... ] has warned of a potential "escalation in military confrontations and increased risk of retaliatory attacks by armed groups against civilians" as a result of the force's entry into the fray, and urged MONUSCO to "mitigate against the increased risks that communities will face".

Experts say reforms in eastern DRC must go beyond military solutions. "The intervention brigade. should not be seen as the only solution but one element of a comprehensive solution," said ICG's Lagrange.

"After last year's fall of Goma and rise of the Mai Mai [rebel] threat, there is a serious need for a new approach against the armed groups. Such an approach should include the use of military force; a targeted policy of arrest on armed groups' leaders; a DDR [disarmament, demobilization and reintegration] offer focusing on civilian reintegration; the investigation and neutralization of the logistical networks of the armed groups; and development work in the communities that generate armed groups," he told IRIN.

"Groups like M23 are not a cause but a symptom of what's going wrong in the DRC," he added. "The Congolese government must commit to implement the security sector reforms, especially the reforms concerning the FARDC. It must also abandon its policy of peace prevailing over justice."

kr/rz

[END]

Uganda: US posts $5 mn reward for Ugandan warlord Kony

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Source: Agence France-Presse
Country: Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Uganda, South Sudan (Republic of)

04/03/2013 20:29 GMT

by Jo Biddle

WASHINGTON, April 3, 2013 (AFP) - The United States offered $5 million Wednesday for the capture of Lord's Resistance Army chief Joseph Kony, one of the world's most wanted men, and posted rewards for three other rebel leaders evading trial for war crimes.

The announcement came just as Uganda and Washington said they had been forced to suspend their two-year hunt for Kony in the jungles of the Central African Republic, after rebels seized power in Bangui.

The LRA, a Ugandan rebel group, has waged a brutal insurgency, accused of mutilations and child abductions for two decades across four countries.

Kony -- a self-proclaimed prophet who claims his rebels are fighting to establish a government based on the Biblical Ten Commandments -- and other LRA leaders face charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity at the International Criminal Court.

Kony's name was added to the State Department's war crimes rewards program along with fellow LRA members Okot Odhiambo and Dominic Ongwen, and Sylvestre Mudacumura from the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), in the hopes that the men would be brought to justice.

The LRA "for almost 20 years has tormented and terrorized children across Uganda, the DRC, the Central African Republic and South Sudan. It has to stop," US Secretary of State John Kerry said.

But he admitted Kony and his cronies would "not be easy to find."

"The LRA is broken down into small bands of rebels, scattered throughout dense jungle, hidden by dense canopy, controlling territory through tactics of fear and intimidation," he said in a column in the online Huffington Post.

The LRA was "one of the world's most brutal armed groups," Ambassador for Global Criminal Justice Stephen Rapp told reporters, unveiling the rewards.

"We act today so that there can be justice for the innocent men, women and children, who've been subjected to mass murder, amputation, enslavement and other atrocities," he said.

"Accountability is a key pillar of the United States atrocity prevention initiative."

The United Nations says about 450,000 people have been displaced by LRA attacks in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Uganda and South Sudan.

Although the number of LRA attacks was down last year, there were some assaults as far west as Bangassou in Central African Republic, where scores of men, women and children were abducted in September.

US President Barack Obama last year renewed a mission by 100 US special forces, first launched in 2011, to help Ugandan troops scour the African jungles for Kony, but it has had no success so far.

Turning to the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rapp said the country has been "plagued by conflict, displacement and insecurity."

"Innocent civilians have suffered continued atrocities at the hands of armed groups such as the FDLR and M23, that support themselves by pillage of the population and exploitation of precious minerals."

Kerry said Mudacumura "has committed and ordered brutal attacks on civilians as the military commander" of the FDLR.

The FDLR is made up of remnants of the radical Hutu regime that carried out the 1994 Rwandan genocide, while M23 is a mainly Congolese Tutsi rebel group UN experts say is backed by Rwanda and Uganda, charges denied by both countries.

The rewards program had "proven to be a valuable tool" in hunting down those wanted for "the worst crimes known to human kind by generating valuable tips," Rapp said.

In the past two years, the program has made 14 payments of an average of $400,000 per person "with the largest payment being $2 million," he said.

But Kerry stressed "this is not a dead-or-alive bounty program."

"Information must lead to the secure arrest, transfer, or conviction of these people in a court of law. We want these men to look into the eyes of their victims and answer for their actions."

jkb/vlk

Democratic Republic of the Congo: Targeting secondary school education for displaced children

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Source: Jesuit Refugee Service
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Bujumbura, 3 April 2013 – "Going back to school, to study and be with my friends help me feel normal again. It helps me forget the war and the sorrow of no longer being at home in my village", said 17-year Samuel Shukuru, one of the thousands of displaced children who found refuge in camps around Goma, a strategic city in eastern Congo, following the armed advance, in November 2012, of rebels of the March 23 Movement (M23).

For the last few weeks Samuel has frequented Nyabyunyu institute, one of the six secondary schools supported as part of the emergency education project of the Jesuit Refugee Service on the edge of Goma.

"Following the arrival of M23 rebels into Goma in November, the schools and churches were the first places where displaced person found refuge. Classrooms were completely destroyed as people used the desks and doors as firewood for heating and cooking. The military and rebels also occupied the school buildings. Consequentially, both displaced and local children were denied the right to education for months", explained JRS Great Lakes Programme Officer, Mariana Morales Arce.

Integration, displaced pupils in class. As part of the new project, JRS has already renovated three schools and provided support to six other institutes, including the provision of scholastic materials and teacher training.

"By allowing displaced children to return to school and encouraging their integration with their local peers, we hope to help bring a sense of normality back to their lives. This is why in exchange for JRS support, we ask headmasters to commit themselves to meet us halfway by covering the tuition fees of displaced children whose parents has lost their sources of income", said Ms Morales Arce.

There are more than one million pupils living in the immediate proximity of five of the six JRS-supported schools. Approximately half a million of these pupils were displaced from their home villages as a result of the conflict and are currently living in nearby camps.

"Normally the displaced children stay in the camps all day as their families do not have the means to send them to school. Now we have begun cooperating with JRS, raising awareness about the issue to convince families to send their children to school. Given the circumstances of the families, we won't ask them to pay tuition fees and our teachers will work to promote harmonious relations between all students", said a representative of the teachers in Nyabyunyu Institute, Célestin Munanira.

The choice of secondary education. The decision to provide secondary school education is derived from the fact that humanitarian intervention during emergencies like the one in Congo is limited to the provision of primary education.

This is also the case in Masisi and Mweso, remote areas in North Kivu province where JRS has decided to build, renovate and provide support for secondary education to keep the hope of a better future alive among adolescents.

"When they told me I could enroll in school again, I went there in a hurry. Before, I stayed in the camp all day. With nothing to do, I was bored. Now I want to study and start living again", said Samuel.

Danilo Giannese, JRS Great Lakes Advocacy and Communications Officer

Democratic Republic of the Congo: Bulletin d'information humanitaire - Province du Katanga N° 12/13 - 02 avril 2013

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Source: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Faits saillants

• 141 maisons incendiées dans le village de Kabulembe, Territoire de Pweto, par des miliciens Mayi-Mayi.

• Des présumés miliciens Yakutumba en provenance du Sud-Kivu insécurisent l’axe routier Bendera-Kalemie au nord de la province.

• Les humanitaires continuent d’appuyer la lutte contre le choléra dans le Territoire de Pweto.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: Bulletin d'Information Humanitaire - Province Orientale N° 13/13, 03 avril 2013

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Source: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Country: Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda

Faits saillants

-ƒ Arrêt de l’afflux de refugiés de la RCA dans le Bas-Uele depuis la prise de la ville de Bangui. ƒ - Trois mois après, quelque 13 000 personnes sinistrées par des inondations à Amadi attendent de l’aide. ƒ - Lutte contre les violences sexuelles : le cluster Protection recommande l’éradication des groupes armés et la facilitation d’accès des ONG locales au financement.

Indonesia: USAID FrontLines – March/April 2013

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Source: US Agency for International Development
Country: Cambodia, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ghana, Haiti, Indonesia, Jordan, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, occupied Palestinian territory, Syrian Arab Republic, Tajikistan, Uganda

About FrontLines

Insights from Administrator Rajiv Shah

WATER

Intro: Delivering Safe Water to Save Lives
Safe Water, Sanitation Reaching Indonesia's Urban Poor
Water from a Stone: Jordanians Stretch Meager Resources to Sustain Syrian Refugees
Water and Hope Flow Back into Kyrgyzstan’s Hard-Hit South
A New Life for Goma’s Water System
In Tajikistan, ‘Little Drops Make the River’
Keeping West Bank Trade (Not Slurry) Flowing
Becoming Jordan’s Water Experts
Your Voice: Reversing Water Losses in Africa
Can Water Meters Ease Kenya’s Supply Woes?
“Water Is Life”

NEGLECTED TROPICAL DISEASES

Wiping Snail Fever Off Cambodia’s Map—by Drawing It On An End in Sight to Ghana’s Trachoma Story Drug-Shoe Combination Aims to Stomp Out Haiti’s Neglected Diseases Trachoma vs. Technology

EXTRAS

The Broadband Caravan

Read the full issue

Democratic Republic of the Congo: DRC Widows Carry Heavy Burdens

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Source: Voice of America
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Nick Long
April 03, 2013

GOMA — In the Democratic Republic of Congo, many widows of soldiers who were killed fighting rebel group M23 last year are trying to collect their husbands’ or partners’ pay.

In principle, the widows of Congolese soldiers are entitled to payments from the government based on their late husbands’ earnings. Many women who were left at a military camp in Goma when the army retreated from the city last year now are claiming this entitlement.

Josee Ikwalankwi, coordinator of a group that works with widows at the camp, said that many of them have not yet received a payment from the army. Some, she says, do not know in what name their husbands collected a salary, while others don’t even know if their husbands are alive or dead.

The United Nations' mission in Congo, MONUSCO, has been trying to help. Ouedrago Sereme Asseta, who works for MONUSCO’s gender affairs unit, said there are conditions for a widow to receive a DRC army pension.

Widows' pension

Most of these women don’t realize, she said, that to qualify for a widows’ pension they need to show their marriage was officially recognized. She warns soldiers’ partners that living with a soldier for up to five years as a girlfriend doesn’t make you his wife.

DRC army spokesman Colonel Olivier Hamuli told a slightly different story, saying the army recognizes marriages that are acknowledged as such by society, which means the women do not have to be legally married to the soldiers to qualify for a pension.

Members of Congolese Women's Association, who have been widowed by conflict, are reflected in a window during their meeting in the town of Rutshuru in North Kivu, east of the Democratic Republic of Congo, May 2012.

​​He said widows are receiving regular payments if their papers are in order. But he added that some claimants were not the soldiers’ real wives, and in cases where soldiers’ records’ were not computerized it can take a month or two for the claims to be processed.

Asseta of MONUSCO recommends civil marriage to all wives, of both civilians and soldiers. That way they stand a better chance of defending their rights under Congolese law, especially if they become widows.

For example, she said, the new Congolese family law recognizes a woman’s right to inherit a quarter of her late husband’s property, whereas traditional marriages do not. According to custom in Congo and throughout the region after the husband has died, the widow usually has no right to his land.

Defense of rights

According to many activists, most Congolese women are ignorant of the law or unable to defend their rights in court, so many widows are still evicted from their homes by their husbands’ relatives. Without property they find it difficult to obtain loans and often are forced to take the most menial jobs, said Asseta.

She said in Bukavu, the biggest town in South Kivu province, all the porters who carry 100-kilo bags of maize or other produce from the port to the market are widows. It is the hardest and worst-paid work, said Asseta. She emphasized it is work that in a sense dishonors these women, and yet they are obliged to do it for next to nothing.

VOA interviewed a group of these porters at a market in Goma. Most of them said they were widows. Mugisho Irenge explained why she did the work.

"I carry this load because I don’t have money," she said. She said if she had a bit of funds she could start up as a trader, but since she doesn’t - and she has children to feed - she literally has to carry the heavy load.

Asseta told VOA that hardly any of the aid agencies or NGOs in the DRC have programs specifically targeting widows. Some argue that to create groups specifically for widows could marginalize them further.

This could be the reason why there are hardly any widows’ associations in Goma. There are a few in rural areas that seem to have been organized by people from Goma, who employ the widows as laborers.

It is unclear whether widows benefit from creating their own groups - but no one else seems to be making their needs a priority.


Democratic Republic of the Congo: Bulletin d'Information Humanitaire - Province du Nord-Kivu N° 11/13, 2 avril 2013

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Source: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Faits saillants

• Environ 68 000 personnes déplacées assistées en vivres et AME dans la zone de Kitchanga (Masisi).

• Plus de 31 000 personnes déplacées et retournées assistées en intrants et semences agricoles à Masisi et au sud Lubero.

• 56% d’enfants retournés à Mughumo-Hutwe (sud Lubero) ne sont pas scolarisés.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: A New Life for Goma’s Water System

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Source: US Agency for International Development, Mercy Corps
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

By Erin Gray

Overhaul of dilapidated infrastructure means a lasting source of water comes to hundreds of thousands of DRC’s most vulnerable.

In the shadow of Africa’s most active volcano, Mount Nyiragongo, the shore of Lake Kivu in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) bustles with crowds each day. From dawn until dusk, hundreds of people—from as young as 5 to the elderly—come to the lake with dusty yellow plastic jerry cans to fill with as much water as they can carry.

Though the water is dangerous— risking cholera and other water-borne diseases—many families living in the nearby city of Goma have few alternatives for drinking, washing and cooking.

Goma’s dilapidated water system—already leaking, inadequate and badly damaged by lava flow when Nyiragongo erupted in 2002—simply can’t provide enough water for the city’s inhabitants. This is compounded by the more than 60,000 people who have been displaced when rebel forces took over the city for a short time in November 2012. Many travel for more than three hours to collect just one container of this untreated water, leaving little time for adults to earn income or for children to attend school. “Here, there is no water, there are no rivers, so we all suffer, said Siya Marguerite, a mother of five children. “My children are growing up in conditions much worse than I had at their age. It really pains my heart to see and I am worried for our lives.” Marguerite settled in Goma after fleeing violence that plagues rural eastern Congo.

Here disease is closely linked to water quality. A 2008 survey of Goma inhabitants found that the incidence of diarrhea in children under age 5 was 22 percent. Although a 2010 government survey indicated that nearly two-thirds of urban areas have access to clean water, estimates for Goma are at best, 40 percent. Cholera outbreaks are a regular occurrence.

USAID, in partnership with Mercy Corps and other donors, is close to providing a lasting solution to the city’s water problem for disadvantaged families. In time for World Water Day on March 22, USAID and Mercy Corps completed the first and most significant phase of work rehabilitating, improving and massively extending the city’s water system, bringing safe water to the doorsteps of more than 250,000 people in Goma, nearly a quarter of the estimated population of the city.

Work began on this project in 2008, when less than 40 percent of the existing water system was functional. In addition, because the population has doubled over the last decade, mostly due to flight from the conflict in eastern Congo, many people settled in areas on the edge of town beyond the reach of the existing water system.

“Working on a municipal water system is not typical for a USAID food assistance program,” said Paul Majarowitz, team leader for Central and Southern Africa in the Office of Food for Peace. “But because Mercy Corps’ program was focusing on a peri-urban area with high malnutrition rates, we felt it was critical to focus on the water problems as a way to address underlying food insecurity issues such as diarrheal disease transmission.”

Health problems associated with poor water quality such as chronic diarrhea can cause the body to be depleted of vital nutrients. And treating this malnutrition only with nutritious food is not enough if the individual is still exposed to environmental factors such as unsafe water.

Water in 10 Minutes

By working with REGIDESO, the Congolese state water utility company, the provincial government and partner agencies, the water system will provide 250,000 people with a water point within 250 meters of their home. The round trip that will not exceed 10 minutes to fetch water will be a major improvement over the three hours that some now face. At these water points—concrete structures with water taps—people can fill up their own containers. Water will be available from these public water points for 50 francs ($0.06) per 20 liters, compared to three to six times that amount that residents currently pay to private vendors.

Teams have spent the last three years working on this huge and deeply challenging project. To build this infrastructure, workers created a system that pumps water from Lake Kivu to enormous reservoirs built to store and treat the water on the outskirts of town; constructed and repaired kilometers of pipeline to transport the treated water to where it is needed; and built water tap stands in the community.

Crews faced digging pipelines through huge, solid beds of lava rock. Even jackhammers bounced off the surface, which required teams to excavate virtually all of the thousands of meters of pipeline trenches by hand. The massive scale of the project and escalating conflict in Goma and across the Kivu provinces in recent months also presented difficulties for workers. The work had to be abandoned for a time during the heaviest fighting.

Still, completing the water project was deemed a high priority for a city where the underlying needs for safe water and cholera prevention remain constant in spite of the various factions fighting for dominance.

“This critical long-term solution in the midst of a conflict is so important to helping populations cope,” said USAID/DRC Mission Director Diana Putman. “I am eager to see the water system fully opened so that more are able to benefit, particularly given the large numbers of displaced people in transit or temporarily residing in and around Goma.”

Safari Ruvugirwa, a resident on the outskirts of Goma, added: “We are happy because we will no longer need to walk many kilometers to find water. Water will find us right here.”

Erin Gray is Mercy Corps’ senior media communications officer.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: RDC : les efforts de déminage n’ont atteint que 30%

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Source: Radio Okapi
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Plusieurs provinces de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC) sont minées et des efforts fournis pour retirer du sol ou des eaux ces engins explosifs n’ont atteint jusque là que 30%. C’est ce qu’a affirmé, mercredi 3 avril, le directeur du centre congolais de lutte contre les mines antipersonnel, Me Sudi Alimasi. A l’occasion de la célébration ce jeudi de la journée internationale de lutte contre les mines antipersonnel, il a annoncé que son centre va lancer une enquête afin d’identifier les zones minées.

« En ce qui concerne uniquement les mines antipersonnel, les provinces les plus touchées sont l’Équateur, la province Orientale, le Katanga, une partie du Maniema, une partie du Nord-Kivu, une partie du Sud-Kivu et les deux Kasaï », a déclaré Me Sudi Alimasi.

Une enquête sur la contamination par mines antipersonnel a été lancée en RDC depuis le 26 mars, a-t-il indiqué.

«Nous allons déployer à partir du 1er mai les opérateurs nationaux et internationaux sur l’ensemble du territoire national. Ils vont mener ces enquêtes pour récolter les informations qui vont nous permettre de situer de manière beaucoup plus claire où se trouvent les mines antipersonnel et quel est le temps nécessaire qu’il nous faut pour que nous enlevions toutes ces mines et quel est le coût exact », a ajouté Me Sudi Alimasi.

Lors du lancement officiel de cette campagne le 26 mars dernier, Sudi Alimasi avait demandé aux organisations non gouvernementales de ne pas donner de l’argent en échange de l’information recherchée sur la localisation des zones contaminées.

“Il faudra expliquer aux autorités locales, aux chefs coutumiers le but du projet afin qu’ils comprennent que l’enquête est réalisée pour leur propre intérêt”, avait-il déclaré aux acteurs de cette campagne réunis en atelier à Kinshasa.

La RDC a enregistré deux mille quatre cent cinquante-huit victimes de mines antipersonnel entre 2002 et 2012, selon le centre congolais de lutte anti-mines.

Central African Republic: Urgent humanitarian needs in post-coup Central African Republic

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Source: IRIN
Country: Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda

NAIROBI, 4 April 2013 (IRIN) - Less than two weeks after the overthrow of Central African Republic (CAR) President François Bozizé in a rebel coup, the humanitarian situation has deteriorated, leaving civilians in the capital, Bangui, in critical need of aid, said a senior humanitarian official.

"The main humanitarian needs in Bangui are access to health and nutrition and clean water [and] security and protection of civilians," Amy Martin, who heads the Bangui branch of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), told IRIN.

Bozizé was ousted on 24 March after the rebel Séléka coalition overran Bangui, exacerbating the country's already precarious humanitarian situation. Insecurity had already been rife before the coup, especially in the northeast, and access to basic services was inadequate.

Now, only two hospitals are functioning in Bangui, schools are closed nationwide and civil servants are not yet back to work. Water and electricity services had been interrupted, and insecurity has worsened.

Insecurity

"Insecurity is persistent, with the circulation of arms and poor discipline by the Séléka elements," said Martin.

Following the coup, there were reports of widespread looting and violence in Bangui. The UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) reported that 10 metric tons of emergency supplies were stolen from its main warehouse.

"The looting continues in Bangui as well as in towns where Séléka are expanding their presence, notably to the west and northwest of Bangui," Martin continued.

Regarding the number of people affected by the crisis, she said: "We are using the population figure of the entire country, 4.5 million people, [as the number of people] affected. The most vulnerable people - women, children, elderly, [people living with HIV/AIDS] - are most at risk."

The insecurity has led to population movements.

"In the northwest, people are fleeing to the bush; in Bangui, a few thousand crossed the River [Oubangui] to Zongo [in DRC], but as the situation calms down they are returning," said Martin.

Insecurity could also worsen in southeastern CAR, an area affected by activities of the Ugandan rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA). Following the Séléka takeover, Ugandan troops and US military advisers in CAR suspended their search for LRA leader Joseph Kony.

"It is unclear whether the Ugandans and the Americans will leave, but if they do, there will be no security forces left in the southeast of CAR to offer any sort of civilian protection," Ledio Cakaj, an independent researcher focusing on the LRA, told IRIN.

"It is unlikely that the new CAR regime has the capacity to provide security for an area close to 1,000km away from Bangui, same as was the case under the previous government."

Cakaj added: "It is not clear yet how Kony will respond to the recent developments, but given the history of attacks in CAR it is likely that LRA attacks against civilians will intensify given the lack of protection of civilians [should the Ugandan and American forces depart]."

Food insecurity

The insecurity, which has intensified since December, has affected farming and commercial activities raising food security fears.

"In the interior of the country, people need seeds and agricultural inputs for this agricultural season. Commerce needs to restart to allow people to access goods in markets," said OCHA's Martin.

According to a 28 March OCHA update, "The border with all neighbouring countries is closed, which directly affects movement of commercial [goods] and fuel from Douala, which is Bangui's main commercial and supply line from Cameroon."

"Land preparation, which should have started in January, is behind schedule in parts," stated a UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) March update.

"The food security situation, which was already alarming. has deteriorated from December 2012 onwards, when the civil conflict escalated," added the update, warning that the "situation is projected to further deteriorate until the next harvest, in July 2013, especially in the north of Nana-Grebizi, in Ouham and Vakaga regions."

"It is worth noting that before the crisis erupted, floods in Nana-Gribizi, Ouham and Vakaga prefectures had already affected agricultural activities," Alessandro Costantino, an economist with FAO's Global Information and Early Warning System on Food, told IRIN.

And more flooding could become a problem: "Every year, flooding occurs in CAR in the middle and towards the end of the rainy season, which spans from April until October in the South, from July to October in the rest of the country," he said.

Rebels from the northeast

The Séléka rebels mainly come from the restive northeast of CAR, a region that is "geographically isolated, historically marginalized and almost stateless," according to the International Crisis Group (ICG).

Circumstances leading to the coup included the "absence of [a] solution to the problem of the armed groups of northeastern CAR; the lack of a programme of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) for these fighters; and a crippled security system," said a 27 March ICG blog post.

"The disarmament of the fighters has been planned since the agreements of Libreville in 2008, but it has never taken place due to the lack of political will of the Bozizé regime," it said.

Séléka leader Michel Djotodjia named himself president after the coup, and "if he remains in power, he will be the first CAR president from the remote, neglected and largely Muslim northeast", said a blog post in African Arguments.

Djotodjia was the leader of the Union des forces démocratiques pour le rassemblement (UFDR) rebels, who merged with rebels from the Convention Patriotique pour le Salut Wa Kodro (CSPK) and Convention des patriotes pour la justice et la paix (CPJP) to form the Séléka coalition.

Djotodjia's government plans to hand over power to an elected president after a three-year transition period. But challenges are already emerging, with opposition critical of the composition of the new cabinet named by Séléka on 31 March, days after the suspension of the constitution and the dissolution of CAR's National Assembly.

Access problems

At present, hundreds of thousands of people remain cut off from aid and essential services.

According to UNICEF, children are among the worst affected, with some two million lacking access to basic social services and exposed to violence.

"Children in the Central African Republic were some of the most vulnerable in Africa even before the recent upsurge in fighting," said Manuel Fontaine, UNICEF's regional director for West and Central Africa, in a 29 March statement.

"It is imperative to have full and secure access to communities affected by the conflict. With every lost day, every thwarted delivery and every stolen supply, more children may die."

Fontaine added, "The time has come for the Séléka coalition, which took power last weekend, to really demonstrate how committed it is to humanitarian principles and human rights for all Central Africans."

aw/rz

World: Polio this week - As of 27 March 2013

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Source: Global Polio Eradication Initiative
Country: Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Chad, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Somalia, World, South Sudan (Republic of)
  • Next week, the Strategic Advisory Group of Experts on immunization (SAGE) will meet in Geneva, Switzerland, from 9-11 April. Among other immunization topics, SAGE is expected to review the global polio situation. The draft agenda of the SAGE meeting is available at http://www.who.int/immunization/sage/en/.

  • The report on polio eradication to the upcoming World Health Assembly (WHA) in May has now been finalized. It provides an overview of the latest global epidemiological situation, reviews the impact of the national emergency action plans in the remaining endemic countries, and summaries the key elements of the new Polio Eradication and Endgame Strategic Plan 2013-2018 that is currently being finalized. The report is available at http://www.polioeradication.org/Resourcelibrary/ReportstoWHOgoverningbod....

Chad: Tchad Revue de Presse humanitaire du 29 mars au 4 avril 2013

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Source: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Country: Angola, Chad, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Mali, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan (Republic of)

LES TITRES

· L’Afrique, un des continents les plus touchés par la présence de mines (Agence Fides, 4 avril)
· Tchad: ratification de la Convention sur les armes à sous-munitions (CICR, 4 avril)
· Journée mondiale de la Santé : l’OMS appelle à renforcer la lutte contre l’hypertension artérielle (Xinhua, 3 avril)
· Tchad : les députés approuvent la création d’un laboratoire national des eaux (Xinhua, 30 mars)
· An immunization campaign with a special focus (GPEI, 2 April)
· Tchad : quelques conseils pour se protéger en période de canicule (Tchadinfos, 2 avril)
· Growing temperature contrast between northern and southern hemispheres likely to have big impacts on rainfall (Summit Voice, 3 April)
· Analysis: Roots of polio vaccine suspicion (IRIN, 4 April)
· Au Tchad, le secteur public renonce à la grève (RFI, 2 avril)

Democratic Republic of the Congo: RDC: un groupe d’hommes armés insécurisent des villages à Aru

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Source: Radio Okapi
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Un groupe d’hommes armés non identifiés multiplie des attaques contre des villages et des positions des Forces armées de la RDC (FARDC) depuis plusieurs jours dans le territoire d’Aru en Ituri (Province Orientale) à la frontière avec le Soudan du Sud. Ces hommes auraient réduit le trafic commercial entre la RDC et le Soudan du Sud. Des sources locales rapportent que ces hommes ont attaqué la localité de Rendo, mardi 3 mars, pillant plusieurs commerces.

L’attaque a eu lieu vers 8 heures locales du matin. Les commerçants de la localité affirment avoir perdu plusieurs biens, emportés par les assaillants qui auraient également battu des jeunes de la localité.

D’autres commerçants, qui se rendaient au Soudan du Sud à moto, ont également été dépouillés de leurs marchandises par les mêmes assaillants.

Après cette attaque, les habitants de la localité se sont réfugiés dans la brousse et dans les villages voisins.

La panique a ensuite gagné les habitants du centre de négoce d’Ingbokolo, situé à une dizaine de kilomètres de Rendo, où les boutiques et magasins ont fermé leurs portes jusqu’au soir.

Des sources locales rapportent également qu’à la veille de cette attaque, deux militaires congolais, dont un lieutenant, ont été également tués au cours d’une attaque perpétré par le même groupe d’assaillants contre la localité de Kengezi Base.

Interrogé à ce sujet, le commandant des FARDC en Ituri, colonel Fall Sikabwe, parle plutôt d’un soldat tué. Il affirme avoir demandé à sa hiérarchie de déployer plus de militaires pour sécuriser le territoire d’Aru et la frontière avec le Soudan du Sud.


Democratic Republic of the Congo: Sud-Kivu: des techniciens et des humanitaires élaborent un plan de prévention des catastrophes naturelles

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Source: Radio Okapi
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Des techniciens et des humanitaires œuvrant dans la prévention et la gestion des catastrophes ont élaboré, mercredi 3 avril à Bukavu, un plan de contingence et de prévention des catastrophes naturelles au Sud-Kivu. Le coordinateur du Service provincial de protection civile du Sud-Kivu, Kapapa Nyamirembe, a affirmé que le Sud-Kivu connaît de nombreuses catastrophes naturelles. Mais il regrette que la province ne réagisse pas « de manière appropriée, faute d’un plan provincial de contingence ». De son côté, le chef de bureau Ocha à Bukavu, Florent Méolem, a expliqué que l’objectif du plan élaboré lors de cet atelier est de développer des réponses « qui permettront de sauver des vies et de mieux coordonner l’assistance humanitaire apportée en cas de catastrophe naturelle ».

Democratic Republic of the Congo: RDC : la société civile veut participer au processus de certification des minerais

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Source: Radio Okapi
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Vingt organisations de la société civile congolaise ont créé le lundi 1er avril une plate-forme de suivi du processus de certification des minerais. Pour le porte-parole de la nouvelle plate-forme, Jean-Claude Katende, président de l’Association africaine de défense des droits de l’Homme (Asadho), la certification des minerais doit diminuer la circulation des minerais provenant des zones de conflit en RDC.

Jean-Claude Katende explique que cette plate-forme compte faire le suivi de la certification des minerais qui doit être lancée le mois prochain en RDC, conformément à la décision prise en novembre 2012 à Lubumbashi par les membres de la Conférence internationale de la région des Grands Lacs (CRGL).

Il indique que, dans un premier temps, la certification concernera « les quatre minerais les plus recherchés » dans l’Est du pays :

■ L’or

■ Le cobalt

■ La cassitérite

■ Le wolframite

Pour le président de l’Asadho, le processus de certification des minerais comme les autres mesures de lutte contre l’exploitation et le commerce illicites des minerais dans les pays des Grands Lacs, contribuera à lutter contre le financement des groupes armés.

« L’une des raisons qui alimente la guerre à l’Est de la RDC, c’est le fait que les rebelles ont accès aux minerais. C’est donc pour couper ce financement des rebelles que les minerais propres reçoivent ces certifications », affirme-t-il.

Plusieurs organisations accusent des groupes armés actifs dans cette partie du continent de financer leurs activités grâce à l’exploitation illégale des minerais.

Pour y mettre fin, elles proposent une certification des minerais qui ne sont pas produits en zone de conflit pour les distinguer de ceux produits en zone de conflit.

Une disposition de la loi américaine Dodd Franck de réforme de Wall Street et de protection du consommateur promulguée en 2010 exige aux entreprises américaines qui utilisent le tungstène, le tantale, l’or et l’étain pour fabriquer leurs divers produits d’assurer et de rendre public l’origine de ces minerais.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: Sud-Kivu : les habitants de Ndolera et Buheba tracent une route pour désenclaver leurs localités

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Source: Radio Okapi
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Les habitants de Ndolera et Buheba, dans le territoire de Sange (Sud-Kivu), tracent une route de 18 km depuis une semaine pour désenclaver leurs localités. Selon Jean-Luc Ndasubilua, médecin – directeur du centre de santé de Buheba et initiateur du projet, cette route facilitera l’évacuation des malades vers son centre de santé.

Les habitants se sont cotisés pour financer les travaux, a expliqué le médecin, ajoutant que les jeunes volontaires qui travaillent éprouvent quelques difficultés, notamment le manque de matériel adéquat.

Les paysannes de Ndolera se réjouissent de ce projet qui leur permettra d’évacuer leurs produits vers le marché de Luvungi à 18 kilomètres de Ndolera.

Democratic Republic of the Congo: Province Orientale : MSF/Belgique lance une campagne de prise en charge des malades de rougeole à Bondo

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Source: Radio Okapi
Country: Democratic Republic of the Congo

Médecins sans frontière (MSF)/Belgique a lancé, jeudi 4 avril, la campagne de prise en charge des malades de rougeole dans le territoire de Bondo en Province Orientale. Selon le médecin chef de zone de santé intérimaire de ce territoire, docteur Nicole Kumbolani, ce territoire a enregistré quatre cents cas de rougeole depuis la recrudescence de cette épidémie, il y a quatre mois. Des sources de la Société civile locale parlent de plusieurs décès.

La campagne de prise en charge va durer deux mois et va dérouler dans les structures sanitaires du territoire de Bondo. Les malades seront nourris et recevront des médicaments.

Le docteur Nicole Kumbolani indique que cette campagne est lancée quatre mois après la recrudescence de la rougeole dans cette partie du pays. Une campagne de vaccination contre la maladie pour les enfants âgés de 0 à 15 ans est prévue quatre semaines après le début de la campagne.

Côte d'Ivoire: UNHCR Operation in Côte d’Ivoire - Fact Sheet (31 March 2013)

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Source: UN High Commissioner for Refugees
Country: Burundi, Congo, Côte d'Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, Rwanda, Togo
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UNHCR operational context

• On 13 March, Zilebly village, near the Liberian border, a popular return area for Ivorian refugees, was attacked by unidentified armed men and seven persons were killed. On 21 March, Tiobly, along the return route to Toulepleu, was targeted: no casualties were reported but several persons were injured, and a repatriation convoy of Ivorian refugees scheduled for the same day turned back due to insecurity in the area. On 23 March, Petit Guiglo village, in the vicinity of Tinhou (25 km from Bloléquin) was attacked: three assailants, one civilian and two national military (FRCI) elements were killed, while the entire village was set ablaze.

• The above episodes represent the most serious security incidents registered in Cote d’Ivoire since October 2012 and this shows the unpredictability of the security situation, particularly in the West of the country. While land conflicts could be the root causes for the attacks, the political climate surrounding the upcoming local and regional election scheduled for April 21 remains volatile, especially considering the boycott announced by the former ruling party Front Populaire Ivorien (FPI).

• The armed attacks that affected several villages along the Liberian border caused massive population displacements.
More than 3,000 IDPs found refuge in host families and other sites in Blolequin, while some 4,000 persons moved to the neighboring village of Keibly and still others moved further east towards Guiglo. UNHCR participated in several inter-agency missions in the affected localities, to assess the humanitarian needs of the villagers in the aftermath of the attacks. While the situation is slowly returning to normal, and the majority of the population returned to their respective villages, the localities of Zilebly and Petit Guiglo, where almost all the houses were destroyed and looted, remain entirely vacant since the attacks. It should be noted that ethnic Baoule and Burkinabe are returning while Guere are citing the need for more Government protection before they consider going back. Ethnic tensions remain high in the area.

• A team of humanitarian actors conducted an assessment of the situation in the Goin Debe forest in light of the imminent eviction (by the Government) of illegal settlers in the “protected” forest areas. The team observed that, at one camp which had been demolished by administrative authorities, settlers had returned, and were rebuilding their huts and clearing the forest, raising the possibility of a confrontation between the illegal settlers and the authorities.
UNHCR is closely monitoring the situation and coordinating with other humanitarian actors to provide assistance so as to respect the rights of the 5,000 persons involved.

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